Kirjahaku

India is an emerging giant. This book explains its long economic stagnation and recent rise by examining its social, political and historical evolution in long term perspective. It explains how its distinct social system based on caste arose and why it still is of importance in its political and social arrangements, despite India's recent move from the plan to market.

The Pax Americana---the global order established after the collapse of the Soviet Empire---is increasingly being challenged especially by former imperial behemoths China and Russia. There is a growing chorus questioning the so-called 'Washington Consensus' in favour of a 'Beijing Consensus' in economic policy. As the US ceases to be the sole superpower willing and able to maintain a global PAX, today there is an increasing global 'disorder'. This book is a study of the causes and consequences for this disorder, examining alternative claims for a desirable future economic policy. The book argues that the origin of this increasing disorder lie, in part, in the great economic recession of 2008 in the US, which has tarnished the free market based capitalism of the West. It goes on to debate that there are four major imperial systems which are and will be involved in the new 'Great Game' in Eurasia---the US and its European outpost---the EU, China, Russia and India and, potentially, Japan as it seeks to alter its post-war pacifist constitution to act like Britain did for many centuries, as the offshore balancer in the struggle for the mastery of Asia, either as a partner or independent of the US. Their strategic decisions will determine whether we will see a repeat of the past, with another completely unnecessary world war like the First World War, or if they will succeed in eschewing this atavism.

This is a classic IEA text, first Published in 1983, but revised and expanded in 1997. Its critique of that type of 'development economics' highly influential in the early 1980s, which the author branded the 'dirigiste dogma', proved extremely controversial in the first few years of the book's life. Professor Lal concluded that the demise of the dogma would be beneficial to the health of 'both economics and the economies of developing countries'. The history of the last twenty years has demonstrated the force of the Lal critique. The dogma in its old form has gone, as Professor Lal shows in a postscript that brings the original text up to date both in terms of statistics and in terms of the history of ideas. Nevertheless, as he warns, dirigiste tendencies have not disappeared, but are emerging in new guises.

Reviving the Invisible Hand is an uncompromising call for a global return to a classical liberal economic order, free of interference from governments and international organizations. Arguing for a revival of the invisible hand of free international trade and global capital, eminent economist Deepak Lal vigorously defends the view that statist attempts to ameliorate the impact of markets threaten global economic progress and stability. And in an unusual move, he not only defends globalization economically, but also answers the cultural and moral objections of antiglobalizers. Taking a broad cross-cultural and interdisciplinary approach, Lal argues that there are two groups opposed to globalization: cultural nationalists who oppose not capitalism but Westernization, and "new dirigistes" who oppose not Westernization but capitalism. In response, Lal contends that capitalism doesn't have to lead to Westernization, as the examples of Japan, China, and India show, and that "new dirigiste" complaints have more to do with the demoralization of their societies than with the capitalist instruments of prosperity. Lal bases his case on a historical account of the rise of capitalism and globalization in the first two liberal international economic orders: the nineteenth-century British, and the post-World War II American. Arguing that the "new dirigisme" is the thin edge of a wedge that could return the world to excessive economic intervention by states and international organizations, Lal does not shrink from controversial stands such as advocating the abolishment of these organizations and defending the existence of child labor in the Third World.

Empires have unfairly gotten a bad name, not least in U.S. domestic politics. This is particularly unfortunate, as the world needs an American pax to provide both global peace and prosperity. The most urgent task in the new imperium is to bring the world of Islam into the modern world, without seeking to alter its soul. In this monograph, Deepak Lal gives reasons to believe the United States should be able to fulfill this imperial task. But is it willing? Given the continuing resonance of Wilsonian moralism in public discourse, Lal is doubtful. There must first be an acceptance in domestic politics that the United States is an imperial power, and then the real debate about how best to use that power can sensibly ensue.

In this outstanding collection of essays on economic liberalization Deepak Lal, one of the world's leading development economists, questions why many developing countries have followed policies which have retarded both growth and equity, before discussing why and how these policies have come to be reversed. The Repressed Economy brings together Professor Lal's most important work on economies that function unsatisfactorily because of government policies that distort the working of the free market. He explains both why governments create these distortions and when, if at all, they are likely to heed the technocratic advice of the economist to eliminate or reduce them. The theme of the repressed economy is explored throughout these essays, which include applied studies of developing economies in Latin America, the Philippines, Kenya, Brazil, India and China. The role of ideas, interests and ideology are explored, as is the importance of differences in initial resources. Simple political economy models are developed to explain the actions of the governments concerned. An intellectual biography is included which outlines how Professor Lal's practical experience in the Third World led him to become a neo-liberal development economist.