Kirjahaku

In the 1930s, ordinary people moved to create grassroots political movements which saved their communities. This is the story of how they did this in one New Hampshire town. It remains an inspiration to us all.

Anne Bonney had sworn eternal vengeance against the British Empire, which had sent a fleet to destroy her. But would the vampire in her own crew be more dangerous?

The Paterson Silk Strike of 1913 was a major struggle in the history of American labor. Over 25,000 Italian and Jewish workers shut down Paterson's 300 silk mills and dye houses for almost five months over the issue of workers' control of the rate of production. It was the biggest strike in Paterson's history. Workers overcame their differences in craft, nationality, and gender; and their democratic self-organization became a school in self-management. The workers invited the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) to aid them. The IWW included a stress on the active role of workers in the strike and this revolutionary vision of workers' control reached its fullest expression in the Paterson Strike Pageant performed by the workers themselves in Madison Square Garden. This was a revolutionary innovation in theater and labor struggles which remains an inspiration to labor and the Left.

Eric Leif DaVietnamesen was raised as a Southern Baptist and Mormon convert, although he was always a non-believer. However, like everyone else in his blue collar surroundings, he believed in America, the military, anti-Communism, and, although too young to vote, Senator Barry Goldwater when he ran for president in 1964. Then, in the Sixties, he went to college and became swept up in the movements of the times. He came to realize that everything he'd believed about "his war," the Vietnameseetnam War, was wrong. He came to believe that we were more than just on the "wrong side." We were the wrong side. Eventually he was drafted. However, he refused induction into the military, preferring to face five years in prison, the maximum sentence, rather than fight in an immoral war. This memoir describes his journey through the Sixties, from a working class gung-ho Goldwater Republican supporter of the Vietnameseetnam War to a radicalized anti-war actiVietnamesest who was eventually drafted to fight in that war -- but refused to go.

Partners in Wonder revolutionizes our knowledge of women and early science fiction. Contrary to accepted interpretations, women fans and writers were a welcome and influential part of pulp science fiction from the birth of the genre. Davin finds that at least 203 female authors, under their own female names, published over a thousand stories in science fiction magazines between 1926 and 1965. This work explores the distinctly different form of science fiction that females produced—one that was both more utopian and more empathetic than that of their male counterparts. Partners in Wonder presents, for the first time, a complete bibliography of every story published by women writers in science fiction magazines from 1926 to 1965 and brief biographies on 133 of these women writers. It is thus the most comprehensive source of information on early women science fiction writers yet available and of great importance to scholars of women's studies, popular culture, and English literature as well as science fiction.

This book explores the relation between democracy and industrialization in United States history. Over the course of the 1930s, the political center almost disappeared as the Democratic New Deal became the litmus test of class, with blue collar workers providing its bedrock of support while white collar workers and those in the upper-income levels opposed it. By 1948 the class cleavage in American politics was as pronounced as in many of the Western European countries-such as France, Italy, Germany, or Britain-with which we usually associate class politics. Working people created a new America in the 1930s and 1940s which was a fundamental departure from the feudalistic and hierarchical America that existed before. They won the political rights of American citizenship which had been previously denied them. They democratized labor-capital relations and gained more economic security than they had ever known. They obtained more economic opportunity for them and their children than they had ever known and they created a respect for ethnic workers, which had not previously existed. In the process, class politics re-defined the political agenda of America as-for the first time in American history-the political universe polarized along class lines. Eric Leif Davin explores the meaning of the New Deal political mobilization by ordinary people by examining the changes it brought to the local, county, and state levels in Pittsburgh, Allegheny County, and Pennsylvania as a whole.

This book explores the relation between democracy and industrialization in United States history. Over the course of the 1930s, the political center almost disappeared as the Democratic New Deal became the litmus test of class, with blue collar workers providing its bedrock of support while white collar workers and those in the upper-income levels opposed it. By 1948 the class cleavage in American politics was as pronounced as in many of the Western European countries-such as France, Italy, Germany, or Britain-with which we usually associate class politics. Working people created a new America in the 1930s and 1940s which was a fundamental departure from the feudalistic and hierarchical America that existed before. They won the political rights of American citizenship which had been previously denied them. They democratized labor-capital relations and gained more economic security than they had ever known. They obtained more economic opportunity for them and their children than they had ever known and they created a respect for ethnic workers, which had not previously existed. In the process, class politics re-defined the political agenda of America as-for the first time in American history-the political universe polarized along class lines. Eric Leif Davin explores the meaning of the New Deal political mobilization by ordinary people by examining the changes it brought to the local, county, and state levels in Pittsburgh, Allegheny County, and Pennsylvania as a whole.

Our memory of Sixties New Left radicals often evokes marches in the streets, battles with the police, or urban bombings. However, the New Left was a multi-faceted movement, with diverse tendencies. One of these tendencies promoted electoral as the way to change America. In every city that was a center of New Left activism, this “Electoral New Left” entered the political arena. A surprisingly large number of these New Left radicals were elected to office: City Council, Mayor, State Senate, even the U.S. Senate. Once in office, they persisted and prevailed. Cities and places we think of today as eternally liberal—Berkeley, Madison, Ann Arbor, even the state of Vermont—were, deeply conservative and deeply Republican before the triumphs of the local Electoral New Left. These “Radicals in Power,” however, brought about a lasting political realignment in their locales, and embodied the vision of a better future that was at the heart of all New Left activism. However, the accomplishments of the Electoral New Left, even its very existence, are almost completely unexplored. Historians of the social and political movements of the Sixties have focused on anti-Vietnam War protest movements, or on the Revolutionary New Left. Radicals in Power corrects that oversight and, in doing so, rewrites the history of the Sixties and the New Left. Based on interviews with the elected New Left radicals in each of their cities, Davin details the birth and evolution of a local and regional progressive politics that has, heretofore, been overlooked.

Our memory of Sixties New Left radicals often evokes marches in the streets, battles with the police, or urban bombings. However, the New Left was a multi-faceted movement, with diverse tendencies. One of these tendencies promoted electoral as the way to change America. In every city that was a center of New Left activism, this “Electoral New Left” entered the political arena. A surprisingly large number of these New Left radicals were elected to office: City Council, Mayor, State Senate, even the U.S. Senate. Once in office, they persisted and prevailed. Cities and places we think of today as eternally liberal—Berkeley, Madison, Ann Arbor, even the state of Vermont—were, deeply conservative and deeply Republican before the triumphs of the local Electoral New Left. These “Radicals in Power,” however, brought about a lasting political realignment in their locales, and embodied the vision of a better future that was at the heart of all New Left activism. However, the accomplishments of the Electoral New Left, even its very existence, are almost completely unexplored. Historians of the social and political movements of the Sixties have focused on anti-Vietnam War protest movements, or on the Revolutionary New Left. Radicals in Power corrects that oversight and, in doing so, rewrites the history of the Sixties and the New Left. Based on interviews with the elected New Left radicals in each of their cities, Davin details the birth and evolution of a local and regional progressive politics that has, heretofore, been overlooked.

Award-winning author Eric Leif Davin journeys to hell and back in this collection of his fantasy and science fiction stories. His journeys take him from a military base on the Moon to the far reaches of the galaxy, from the death of a dryad to an encounter with Satan himself. And everywhere, as he dances with the ghosts of dead ancestors and witnesses fantastic visions in the night sky, there's a hell hound on his trail.

She promised to protect those under her care, even if it meant fighting the Devil himself.

The future of post-industrial America came to Pittsburgh in 1980. As the steel industry collapsed and disappeared in the Steel City, steelworkers, radicals, and activists of all types fought against the falling furnaces. This is the story of their fight against the destruction of industrial America by one who was there.

This book is an overview of the development of the American working class through three major eras in the 20th century. The first era was that of the Second Industrial Revolution and the rise of an immigrant industrial working class, from 1900-1930. The second era was that of the New Deal Political Order. This era began in the 1930s with the New Deal Social Contract, which legitimized labor unions as full partners in labor-management relations and government intervention in the economy. The New Deal Political Order lasted until the 1970s, when it was replaced by the third era, the Neoliberal Political Order. This era featured the decline labor's power and influence as the ascendant Neoliberal Political Order championed unregulated free markets, unrestricted global free trade, and pushback against the administrative state created by the New Deal. The book also offers a vision of a new future for the labor movement, and for America.

Radical change was everywhere in the early 1970s, including education. The early 1970s Free School Movement was part of the change. As part of the era's counter-culture, it demanded that a new type of school be created, one that freed the minds of students instead of shackling them to the status quo. It was part of the movement to create an America dedicated to freedom, justice, and equality for all.

They wanted to leave Amerika behind. But Amerika wouldn't let them.

This book is a potpourri offering. As its title indicates, it is a meandering collection of writings on many topics, from Hispanic communities in the Southwest to KKK rallies in Pennsylvania to seizures of corporate buildings in Rust Belt Ohio with angry steelworkers. The writings explore everything from history and radical politics to science fiction, music, and other aspects popular culture.

Growing up in a dysfunctional blue-collar family in Arizona during the Fifties and early Sixties, Eric Leif Davin struggled with the idea of what it meant to be a man. It was a long journey away from machismo and toward maturity. A violent coming of age at mid-century in the desert Southwest.