Alastair Davidson is a pioneer of global Gramsci studies, beginning with his first essays from 1968 through to the present.This volume collects his work from various difficult to access sources covering such diverse topics as the sources: Marx, Lenin, Machiavelli, Labriola and Croce; the party and workers councils, through to the question of what is living and what is dead in the legacy of Gramsci, cultural studies and subalternality, uneven development and globalization, human rights and the peasantry, literature and culture.
In the modern State, power rests on the consensus of the citizens. They accord its institutions the authority to regulate society. Contemporary state theory suggests that this authority is a right to speak on certain matters in certain ways and to have the audience agree with those statements. It is a matter of an authorised language; all others fall into the category of ratbaggery. In this, the first major book applying contemporary State theory to Australia, Alastair Davidson shows how Australian citizens were formed in the nineteenth century, and how their particular characteristics led to the empowering of a certain language of power: legalism. He further shows that this made the judiciary the most powerful arm of government - unlike countries where the people arm sovereign and the legislature supreme - because the judiciary has the last say on all issues and in its own language.
This important, theoretically sophisticated work explores the concepts of liberal democracy, citizenship, and rights. Grounded in critical original research, the book examines Australia’s political and legal institutions, and traces the history and future of citizenship and the state in Australia. The central theme is that making proofs of belonging to the national culture a precondition of citizenship is inappropriate for a multicultural society such as Australia. This becomes an object lesson for the multicultural regional politics throughout the world.
This important, theoretically sophisticated work explores the concepts of liberal democracy, citizenship and rights. Grounded in critical original research, the book examines Australia's political and legal institutions, and traces the history and future of citizenship and the state in Australia. The central theme is that making proofs of belonging to the national culture a precondition of citizenship is inappropriate for a multicultural society such as Australia. This becomes an object lesson for the multicultural regional politics throughout the world.
In the modern State, power rests on the consensus of the citizens. They accord its institutions the authority to regulate society. Contemporary state theory suggests that this authority is a right to speak on certain matters in certain ways and to have the audience agree with those statements. It is a matter of an authorised language; all others fall into the category of ratbaggery. In this, the first major book applying contemporary State theory to Australia, Alastair Davidson shows how Australian citizens were formed in the nineteenth century, and how their particular characteristics led to the empowering of a certain language of power: legalism. He further shows that this made the judiciary the most powerful arm of government - unlike countries where the people arm sovereign and the legislature supreme - because the judiciary has the last say on all issues and in its own language.
Few revolutionaries have a heritage so contested by rival groups as Antonio Gramsci. Many use his writings as sacred texts' for their own policies, and while others stress any differences with Lenin in order to prove Gramsci a rebel.' In this stirring biography, Davidson cuts through these sterile debates and instead focuses on Gramsci's own political and philosophical ideas.
This book presents a novel proposal for establishing justice and social harmony in the aftermath of genocide. It argues that justice should be determined by the victims of genocide rather than a detached legal system, since such a form of justice is more consistent with a socially grounded ethics, with a democracy that privileges citizen decision-making, and with human rights.The book covers the Holocaust; genocides in Argentina, South Africa, Rwanda, Latin America, and Australia, as well as crimes against humanity in Italy and France. From show trials to state- enforced forgiveness, the book examines various methods that have been used since 1945 to punish the individuals and groups responsible for genocide and how they have ultimately failed to deliver true justice to the victims.The only way to end this failure, the book points out, is to return justice to the victims. This simple proposition; however, challenges the Enlightenment tradition of Western law which was built on the refusal to allow victims to determine the measure of justice. That would amount, according to Bacon, Hegel, and Kant to a revenge system and bring social chaos. But, as this book points out, forgiveness is only something victims can give, no-one can demand it. In order to establish a lasting peace, it is necessary to re-examine the philosophical and theoretical refusal to return justice to the victims. The engaging argument put forth in this book can help deliver true justice and re-establish international social harmony in the aftermath of genocide.Genocide is ubiquitous in the modern, global world. It's understanding is highly relevant for the understanding of specific and perpetuating challenges in migration. Genocide forces the migration of millions to avoid crimes against humanity. When they flee war zones they bring their fears, hates, and misery with them. So migration research must engage fully with the experience of genocide, its human consequences and the ethical dilemmas it poses to all societies. Not to do so, will make it more difficult to understand and live with newcomers and to achieve some sort of harmony in host countries, as well as those which are centers of genocide.
This book presents a novel proposal for establishing justice and social harmony in the aftermath of genocide. It argues that justice should be determined by the victims of genocide rather than a detached legal system, since such a form of justice is more consistent with a socially grounded ethics, with a democracy that privileges citizen decision-making, and with human rights.The book covers the Holocaust; genocides in Argentina, South Africa, Rwanda, Latin America, and Australia, as well as crimes against humanity in Italy and France. From show trials to state- enforced forgiveness, the book examines various methods that have been used since 1945 to punish the individuals and groups responsible for genocide and how they have ultimately failed to deliver true justice to the victims.The only way to end this failure, the book points out, is to return justice to the victims. This simple proposition; however, challenges the Enlightenment tradition of Western law which was built on the refusal to allow victims to determine the measure of justice. That would amount, according to Bacon, Hegel, and Kant to a revenge system and bring social chaos. But, as this book points out, forgiveness is only something victims can give, no-one can demand it. In order to establish a lasting peace, it is necessary to re-examine the philosophical and theoretical refusal to return justice to the victims. The engaging argument put forth in this book can help deliver true justice and re-establish international social harmony in the aftermath of genocide.Genocide is ubiquitous in the modern, global world. It's understanding is highly relevant for the understanding of specific and perpetuating challenges in migration. Genocide forces the migration of millions to avoid crimes against humanity. When they flee war zones they bring their fears, hates, and misery with them. So migration research must engage fully with the experience of genocide, its human consequences and the ethical dilemmas it poses to all societies. Not to do so, will make it more difficult to understand and live with newcomers and to achieve some sort of harmony in host countries, as well as those which are centers of genocide.
The key question for the history of universal human rights is why it took so long for them to become established as law. The main theme of this book is that the attainment of universal human rights required heroic struggle, first by individuals and then by ever-increasing numbers of people who supported those views against the major historical trends. Universal human rights are won from a hostile majority by outsiders. The chapters in the book describe the milestones in that struggle. The history presented in this book shows that, in most places at most times, even today, for concrete material reasons a great many people oppose the notion that all individuals have equal rights. The dominant history since the 1600s has been that of a mass struggle for the national-democratic state. This book argues that this struggle for national rights has been practically and logically contradictory with the struggle for universal rights. It would only be otherwise if there were free migration and access to citizenship on demand by anybody. This has never been the case. Rather than drawing only on European sources and being limited to major literary figures, this book is written from the Gramscian perspective that ideas mean little until they are taken up as mass ideologies. It draws on sources from Asia and America and on knowledge about mass attitudes, globally and throughout history.
The key question for the history of universal human rights is why it took so long for them to become established as law. The main theme of this book is that the attainment of universal human rights required heroic struggle, first by individuals and then by ever-increasing numbers of people who supported those views against the major historical trends. Universal human rights are won from a hostile majority by outsiders. The chapters in the book describe the milestones in that struggle. The history presented in this book shows that, in most places at most times, even today, for concrete material reasons a great many people oppose the notion that all individuals have equal rights. The dominant history since the 1600s has been that of a mass struggle for the national-democratic state. This book argues that this struggle for national rights has been practically and logically contradictory with the struggle for universal rights. It would only be otherwise if there were free migration and access to citizenship on demand by anybody. This has never been the case. Rather than drawing only on European sources and being limited to major literary figures, this book is written from the Gramscian perspective that ideas mean little until they are taken up as mass ideologies. It draws on sources from Asia and America and on knowledge about mass attitudes, globally and throughout history.
Globalization creates new challenges for citizenship: boundaries are being blurred and nation-state powers eroded. Millions of people have multiple citizenship, millions more lack citizenship of their country of residence. Cultural heterogeneity is escalating. There are increasing numbers of citizens who do not belong. This undermines the nation-state as the central site of democracy. New approaches are needed, which take account of complex identities and transnational belonging, and which allow for democratic control of power at all its proliferating levels.
Globalization creates new challenges for citizenship: boundaries are being blurred and nation-state powers eroded. Millions of people have multiple citizenship, millions more lack citizenship of their country of residence. Cultural heterogeneity is escalating. There are increasing numbers of citizens who do not belong. This undermines the nation-state as the central site of democracy. New approaches are needed, which take account of complex identities and transnational belonging, and which allow for democratic control of power at all its proliferating levels.
This book argues that basing citizenship on singular and individual membership in a nation-state is no longer adequate, since the nation-state model itself is being severely eroded. It examines issues of citizenship and difference in the Asia-Pacific region.
For over half a century Davidson's Principles and Practice of Medicine has informed and educated students, doctors and other health professionals all over the world, providing a comprehensive account of the practice of medicine. Davidson's Essentials of Medicine provides the core content of the main textbook in a condensed format which will be invaluable whenever you are on the move - whether commuting, travelling between training sites, or on electives. This book provides a distillation of the core information required for clinical studies in medicine. While retaining the acclaimed readability of the main textbook it presents the key information in a format more appropriate for practical clinical work. The scope of the contents was carefully selected by a team of junior doctors, emphasising only the topics that will be essential for clinical studies. The text draws directly on the depth and breadth of experience of the Davidson's authors and its International Advisory Board. Updated to include key changes and new illustrations included in Davidson's Principles and Practice of Medicine. New chapters on Acute Medicine and Ophthalmology
There is an increasing awareness that, far from being composed of junk DNA, the non-coding human genome is packed with information that controls where, when and by how much genes are expressed. Indeed, much of the information essential to normal gene expression, embryonic development and health are contained within this vast component of the human genome. It is now accepted that individual susceptibility to many common diseases stem directly from non-coding polymorphisms that compromise normal gene expression mechanisms. This unique, accessible introduction to the field will guide advanced undergraduate students and Phd and Post-doctoral researchers through the most up-to date information available on the mechanisms within the non-coding genome that control the expression of genes at the levels of transcription, RNA processing and translation. It will go on to describe how highly conserved sequences within the genome can interact with each other to support the expression of genes in specific tissues and how this process may be compromised in disease. Interpreting the non-coding Genome in Health and Disease will also allow the student to gain an understanding of the biology and architecture of the non-coding genome in a way that can only currently be gained through the reading of multiple specialist reviews.
She has to protect her sister. He has to find a wife. If Alastair Weaver wanted a wife, then he saw no other choice but to send for a mail-order bride. Selena Manning saw no other choice but to become one. Perfect, right? But when Selena shows up with more than her carpet bag, Alastair must decide what to do, and lucky for her, he still wants to marry her. Despite the fact she has her younger sister in tow. But as far as Alastair's concerned, if his father could do it, then so could he. After all, his mother, brought her seven siblings into the Weaver clan when she married his father. Alastair could handle one, couldn't he? But Selena and her younger sister have suffered a horrible tragedy and Alastair isn't sure how to help them heal after losing their parents to a house fire. Worse, Selena doesn't think it was an accident... Enjoy this sweet historical romance full of love, laughter, and a bit of mystery.
THE empowering intro to politics that EVERY young person needs right now from writer, podcaster and strategist ALASTAIR CAMPBELL. **Longlisted for the SLA Information Book Award 2025** Politics made fun? YES, REALLY! Writer, podcaster and strategist, Alastair Campbell, makes politics exciting, relatable and personal – AT LAST! Alastair shares his incredible knowledge and passion to empower young people and give them the skills and confidence they need to understand how the country is run, how they can get involved, encourage them to have a view, or take a stand, give them tips about how to debate, and so much more! EVERYONE should have a copy of this brilliant guide to understanding the world of politics, which is bursting with Q&As, quizzes, tips, challenges, plus quotes and interviews from a range of people, including KEIR STARMER, RORY STEWART, KEIRA KNIGHTLEY and LINDSAY HOYLE. Also available in the series: • Deborah Meaden Talks Money – ?978-0008651527
Alastair Sim was an enigmatic character both on and off the screen. His idiosyncratic style of acting in films such as The Belles of St Trinian's endeared him to a cinema-going audience desperate to escape the day-to-day dreariness of an invasive, bureaucratic post-war Britain. In private, he was a curiously contradictory character, prejudiced and yet tolerant, thoughtful but sometimes inconsiderate. To examine the life of this extraordinary man, this biography contains original contributions from around thirty actors and actresses, including Sir Ian McKellen and Ronnie Corbett.It is supported by extensive research, including interviews with the playwright Christopher Fry, the television producer John Howard Davies and actors who appeared on stage with Alastair as far back as the 1940s. This book also explores Alastair's life outside of films, including his marriage to Naomi Sim (whom he first met when she was twelve), his career as an elocution teacher, his extensive work on stage (including his theatrical endeavours with James Bridie), his championship of youth and his stalwart refusal to sign autographs. Alastair Sim offers a rare and fascinating insight into the life of one of Britain's most respected and best-loved actors.
