In what may be the most controversial book on Zionism and Israel published in the last twenty years, Yoram Hazony graphically portrays the cultural and political revolt against Israel's status as the Jewish state. Examining ideological trends in academia, literature, media, law, the armed forces, and the foreign policy establishment, Hazony contends that Israelis are preparing themselves for the final break with the Jewish past and the Jewish future. In a dramatic new reading of Israeli history, Hazony uncovers the story of how Martin Buber, Gershom Scholem, Hannah Arendt, and other German-Jewish intellectuals bitterly fought against the establishment of Israel, and later used the Hebrew University as a base for deposing David Ben-Gurion and discrediting labour Zionism. The Jewish State is a must-read for anyone concerned with Israel's present and future.
What if the Hebrew Bible wasn't meant to be read as 'revelation'? What if it's not really about miracles or the afterlife – but about how to lead our lives in this world? The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture proposes a new framework for reading the Bible. It shows how biblical authors used narrative and prophetic oratory to advance universal arguments about ethics, political philosophy and metaphysics. It offers bold new studies of biblical narratives and prophetic poetry, transforming forever our understanding of what the stories of Abel, Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, Moses and David and the speeches of Isaiah and Jeremiah, were meant to teach. The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture assumes no belief in God or other religious commitment. It assumes no previous background in Bible. It is free of disciplinary jargon. Open the door to a book you never knew existed. You'll never read the Bible the same way again.
What if the Hebrew Bible wasn't meant to be read as 'revelation'? What if it's not really about miracles or the afterlife – but about how to lead our lives in this world? The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture proposes a new framework for reading the Bible. It shows how biblical authors used narrative and prophetic oratory to advance universal arguments about ethics, political philosophy and metaphysics. It offers bold new studies of biblical narratives and prophetic poetry, transforming forever our understanding of what the stories of Abel, Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, Moses and David and the speeches of Isaiah and Jeremiah, were meant to teach. The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture assumes no belief in God or other religious commitment. It assumes no previous background in Bible. It is free of disciplinary jargon. Open the door to a book you never knew existed. You'll never read the Bible the same way again.
A political crisis erupts when the Persian government falls to fanatics, and a Jewish insider goes rogue, determined to save her people at all costs. God and Politics in Esther explores politics and faith. It is about an era in which the prophets have been silenced and miracles have ceased, and Jewish politics has come to depend not on commands from on high, but on the boldness and belief of each woman and man. Esther takes radical action to win friends and allies, reverse terrifying decrees, and bring God's justice into the world with her own hands. Hazony's The Dawn has long been a cult classic, read at Purim each year the world over. Twenty years on, this revised edition brings the book to much wider attention. Three controversial new chapters address the astonishingly radical theology that emerges from amid the political intrigues of the book.
A political crisis erupts when the Persian government falls to fanatics, and a Jewish insider goes rogue, determined to save her people at all costs. God and Politics in Esther explores politics and faith. It is about an era in which the prophets have been silenced and miracles have ceased, and Jewish politics has come to depend not on commands from on high, but on the boldness and belief of each woman and man. Esther takes radical action to win friends and allies, reverse terrifying decrees, and bring God's justice into the world with her own hands. Hazony's The Dawn has long been a cult classic, read at Purim each year the world over. Twenty years on, this revised edition brings the book to much wider attention. Three controversial new chapters address the astonishingly radical theology that emerges from amid the political intrigues of the book.
In this "tour de force" (National Review), the leader of the National Conservatism movement argues that nationalism is the only realistic safeguard of liberty in the world todayNationalism is the issue of our age. From Donald Trump's "America First" politics to Brexit to the rise of the right in Europe, events have forced a crucial debate: Is international government the path to human flourishing? Or will humankind be freer and happier in a world of independent self-governing nations? In The Virtue of Nationalism, Yoram Hazony contends that a world of sovereign nations is the only option for those who care about personal and collective freedom. He demonstrates that, beginning in the sixteenth century, English, French, Dutch, and American Christians embraced the Old Testament's vision of national independence, a vision that eventually brought freedom to peoples from Poland and India to Israel and Ethiopia. International events since the book's original publication have made it more timely than ever. This updated paperback edition features a new preface and afterword by the author.
In the wake of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump, countless words have been written and uttered about nationalism-many accusing nationalists of racism, hatred, and violence. But nationalism wasn't always considered evil. Indeed, such venerated figures as John Stuart Mill, Churchill, Eisenhower, and Ben-Gurion considered themselves nationalists. Were the men and women of that era misguided in their emphasis on self-determination for all peoples?In The Virtue of Nationalism, the philosopher Yoram Hazony offers an incisively original case for national sovereignty in an era when it is under attack from many sides. He recounts how in the 17th and 18th centuries, English, Dutch, and American Protestants revived the Old Testament's love of national independence, and how their nationalism freed the world from the vision of universal empire promoted by German-Catholic Holy Roman Emperors. Their vision became the basis of opposition to imperialists of later eras, and eventually brought freedom to peoples from Poland to India, and from Israel to Ethiopia.But since the 1960s, the tide has turned against national independence. "Globalists" say that self-determination brought us two World Wars and the Holocaust. The answer they offer us-global governance-is well-intentioned. Yet it has reawakened hatreds, stoking chaos and revolt across the world.Hazony argues that we will be forced to choose between a world of independent states, or a renewal of universal empire-in the form of the European Union or American hegemony. The Virtue of Nationalism makes clear that anyone who values their freedoms should fight for a world of nations.
The idea that American conservatism is identical to "classical" liberalism—widely held since the 1960s—is seriously mistaken. The award-winning political theorist Yoram Hazony argues that the best hope for Western democracy is a return to the empiricist, religious, and nationalist traditions of America and Britain—the conservative traditions that brought greatness to the English-speaking nations and became the model for national freedom for the entire world. Conservatism: A Rediscovery explains how Anglo-American conservatism became a distinctive alternative to divine-right monarchy, Puritan theocracy, and liberal revolution. After tracing the tradition from the Wars of the Roses to Burke and across the Atlantic to the American Federalists and Lincoln, Hazony describes the rise and fall of Enlightenment liberalism after World War II and the present-day debates between neoconservatives and national conservatives over how to respond to liberalism and the woke left. Going where no political thinker has gone in decades, Hazony provides a fresh theoretical foundation for conservatism. Rejecting the liberalism of Hayek, Strauss, and the "fusionists" of the 1960s, and drawing on decades of personal experience in the conservative movement, he argues that a revival of authentic Anglo-American conservatism is possible in the twenty-first century.
The idea that American conservatism is identical to "classical" liberalism--widely held since the 1960s--is seriously mistaken. The award-winning political theorist Yoram Hazony argues that the best hope for Western democracy is a return to the empiricist, religious, and nationalist traditions of America and Britain--the conservative traditions that brought greatness to the English-speaking nations and became the model for national freedom for the entire world. Conservatism: A Rediscovery explains how Anglo-American conservatism became a distinctive alternative to divine-right monarchy, Puritan theocracy, and liberal revolution. After tracing the tradition from the Wars of the Roses to Burke and across the Atlantic to the American Federalists and Lincoln, Hazony describes the rise and fall of Enlightenment liberalism after World War II and the present-day debates between neoconservatives and national conservatives over how to respond to liberalism and the woke left. Going where no political thinker has gone in decades, Hazony provides a fresh theoretical foundation for conservatism. Rejecting the liberalism of Hayek, Strauss, and the "fusionists" of the 1960s, and drawing on decades of personal experience in the conservative movement, he argues that a revival of authentic Anglo-American conservatism is possible in the twenty-first century.
The idea that conservatism amounts to little more than being in favour of free market capitalism and a small state—widely held for decades—is seriously mistaken. Award-winning political theorist Yoram Hazony argues that the best hope for Western democracy is to return to a genuine conservatism that is distinct from the hollow promises of contemporary economic and social liberalism. He explains how this great Anglo-American conservative tradition – rooted in empiricism, faith and the nation – emerged and developed in England in the thought of men like Richard Hooker and Edmund Burke, and later inspired American figures ranging from the Federalists to Lincoln. He analyses how this tradition was corrupted and subverted from the 1960s onwards by the right’s misconceived embrace of ‘fusionism’ and liberalism, and how it can be revived today to respond to an era of progressive hegemony. Reflecting on his own first-hand experiences - and the importance of personal behaviour, piety and virtue in rebuilding the culture and politics of conservatism – Hazony makes a powerful counter-cultural case for a revivified conservatism that no-one dissatisfied with the current state of the political right can afford to miss.
The idea that conservatism amounts to little more than being in favour of free market capitalism and a small state—widely held for decades—is seriously mistaken. Award-winning political theorist Yoram Hazony argues that the best hope for Western democracy is to return to a genuine conservatism that is distinct from the hollow promises of contemporary economic and social liberalism. He explains how this great Anglo-American conservative tradition – rooted in empiricism, faith and the nation – emerged and developed in England in the thought of men like Richard Hooker and Edmund Burke, and later inspired American figures ranging from the Federalists to Lincoln. He analyses how this tradition was corrupted and subverted from the 1960s onwards by the right’s misconceived embrace of ‘fusionism’ and liberalism, and how it can be revived today to respond to an era of progressive hegemony. Reflecting on his own first-hand experiences - and the importance of personal behaviour, piety and virtue in rebuilding the culture and politics of conservatism – Hazony makes a powerful counter-cultural case for a revivified conservatism that no-one dissatisfied with the current state of the political right can afford to miss.
Nationalism är frågan för vår tid. Från Donald Trumps "America First" till Brexit och till högerns framgångar i Europa är Västvärldens demokratier inblandade i en våldsam debatt: Borde vi kämpa för en internationell regering? Eller borde varje nation behålla sin självständighet och sitt självbestämmande? I "Nationalismens dygd" hävdar den politiske filosofen Yoram Hazony att en värld med självständiga nationer är det bästa politiska systemet. Han beskriver hur, med början under 1500-talet, engelska, holländska och amerikanska protestanter återupplivade Gamla Testamentets betoning på nationell självständighet, som ledde till grundandet av de första moderna nationalstaterna. Under senare epoker gav den nationalistiska drömmen frihet från Polen till Indien och från Israel till Etiopien. Radikaler såg Woodrow Wilson och Franklin Roosevelt som bringare av hopp, eftersom de utlovade nationellt oberoende för förtryckta grupper runt om i världen. Samtidigt välkomnade konservativa Ronald Reagans och Margaret Tatchers "nya nationalism". Men utvecklingen har vänt sig mot nationalismen. Internationalister hävdar att den är grogrunden för rasism och hat. Svaret som de ger - globalt styre - är välmenat. Vad de bortser från, visar Hazony, är att vi alla är påverkade av de band som binder oss till våra familjer, samhällen och nationer. Vare sig de stödjer EU eller Amerikanskt herravälde försöker dagens internationalister att bryta ner dessa lojalitetsband och utplåna de kulturarv som är grunden för individuell och kollektiv identitet. I den processen har de också eldat på en motreaktion runt världen. Det är den nationalistiska traditionen, hävdar Hazony, som vi måste återuppväcka om vi vill begränsa konflikter och hat - och tillåta mänskliga skillnader att blomstra. Yoram Hazony är chef för Herzl Institute i Jerusalem. Han är författare till böckerna "The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture" och "The Jewish State: The Struggle for Israel’s Soul". Han bor I Jerusalem.
Rosijske vtorgnennja v Ukrajinu znovu postavilo na porjadok dennij diskusiju pro javischa, jaki, na dumku bagatokh, uzhe vidijshli v minule, a same natsionalizm i tsinnist vlasnoji natsionalnoji derzhavi. Iz chasiv Drugoji svitovoji vijni i natsistskikh zlochiniv natsionalizm na Zakhodi vvazhali temnim minulim, jakomu ne mistse u svitlomu globalizovanomu majbutnomu. Ta chi spravdi same natsionalizm vinen u najbilshikh tragedijakh KHKh stolittja? Joram Gazoni proponuje tsilkom inshij pogljad. Umilo pereplitajuchi minule j teperishnje, vid chasiv Mojseja do suchasnikh konfliktiv na Blizkomu Skhodi, vin navodit vlasni argumenti na korist togo, scho same natsionalizm i porodzheni nim natsionalni derzhavi je najkraschoju z najavnikh form politichnogo ustroju jak dlja okremikh spilnot, tak i dlja mizhnarodnogo ladu.
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Are we satisfied with the rate of drug development? Are we happy with the drugs that come to market? Are we getting our money’s worth in spending for basic biomedical research? In Translational Systems Biology, Drs. Yoram Vodovotz and Gary An address these questions by providing a foundational description the barriers facing biomedical research today and the immediate future, and how these barriers could be overcome through the adoption of a robust and scalable approach that will form the underpinning of biomedical research for the future. By using a combination of essays providing the intellectual basis of the Translational Dilemma and reports of examples in the study of inflammation, the content of Translational Systems Biology will remain relevant as technology and knowledge advances bring broad translational applicability to other diseases. Translational systems biology is an integrated, multi-scale, evidence-based approach that combines laboratory, clinical and computational methods with an explicit goal of developing effective means of control of biological processes for improving human health and rapid clinical application. This comprehensive approach to date has been utilized for in silico studies of sepsis, trauma, hemorrhage, and traumatic brain injury, acute liver failure, wound healing, and inflammation.
Revolutionary Justice narrates the power struggle between the Free Officers and their adversaries in the aftermath of Egypt's July Revolution of 1952 by studying trials held at the Revolution's Court and the People's Court. The establishment of these tribunals coincided with the most serious political crisis between the new regime and the opposition-primarily the Muslim Brothers and the Wafd party, but also senior officials in the previous government. By this point, the initial euphoria and the unbridled adoration for the Free Officers had worn off, and the focus of the public debate shifted to the legitimacy of the army's continued rule. Yoram Meital charts the crucial events of Egyptian Revolution both within and outside the courtroom. The tribunals' transcripts, which constitute the prime source of his study, offer a rare glimpse of the dialogue between parties that held conflicting views. While "show trials" against political dissidents are generally considered of little historical value, Revolutionary Justice lucidly shows that the rhetoric generated by Egypt's special courts played a crucial role in the denouement of political struggles, the creation of new historical trends, and the shaping of both the regime and the opposition's public image. The deliberations at the courtroom reinforced the prevailing emergency atmosphere, helping the junta advance its plans for a new dispensation. On the other hand, the responses of defendants and witnesses during the trial exposed weaknesses in the official hegemonic narrative. Paradoxically, oppositional views that the regime tirelessly endeavored to silence were tolerated and recorded in the courtroom.
Stochastic hydrogeology, which emerged as a research area in the late 1970s, involves the study of subsurface, geological variability on flow and transport processes and the interpretation of observations using existing theories. Lacking, however, has been a rational framework for modeling the impact of the processes that take place in heterogeneous media and for incorporating it in predictions and decision-making. This book provides this important framework. It covers the fundamental and practical aspects of stochastic hydrogeology, coupling theoretical aspects with examples, case studies, and guidelines for applications.
Following his country's victory over Nazi Germany, Joseph Stalin was widely hailed as a great wartime leader and international statesman. Unchallenged on the domestic front, he headed one of the most powerful nations in the world. Yet, in the period from the end of World War II until his death, Stalin remained a man possessed by his fears. In order to reinforce his despotic rule in the face of old age and uncertain health, he habitually humiliated and terrorized members of his inner circle. He had their telephones bugged and even forced his deputy, Viacheslav Molotov, to betray his own spouse as a token of his allegiance. Often dismissed as paranoid and irrational, Stalin's behavior followed a clear political logic, contend Yoram Gorlizki and Oleg Khlevniuk. Stalin's consistent and overriding goal after the war was to consolidate the Soviet Union's status as a superpower and, in the face of growing decrepitude, to maintain his own hold as leader of that power. To that end, he fashioned a system of leadership that was at once patrimonial-repressive and quite modern. While maintaining informal relations based on personal loyalty at the apex of the system, in the postwar period Stalin also vested authority in committees, elevated younger specialists, and initiated key institutional innovations with lasting consequences. Close scrutiny of Stalin's relationships with his most intimate colleagues also shows how, in the teeth of periodic persecution, Stalin's deputies cultivated informal norms and mutual understandings which provided the foundations for collective rule after his death. Based on newly released archival documents, including personal correspondence, drafts of Central Committee paperwork, new memoirs, and interviews with former functionaries and the families of Politburo members, this book will appeal to all those interested in Soviet history, political history, and the lives of dictators.
