Kevin Pollpeter

China's space program has achieved spectacular success in recent years. Since 2003 China has launched two human space flight missions, destroyed a satellite with a direct ascent anti-satellite weapon, and launched a moon orbiter. In this monograph, Mr. Kevin Pollpeter assesses China's rise as a space power and its implications for the United States. He argues that China's use of space power is part of an integrated approach to increasing its comprehensive national power and achieving great power status. As a result, China's increasing space power challenges the United States militarily, economically, commercially, and politically. China's increasing space capabilities will erode the U.S. lead in space in both absolute and relative terms. Nevertheless, the loss of preeminence in space need not result in the United States losing its role as the leading space power.

Is U.S. high-technology manufacturing at risk? In response to the concern that an increasing amount of high-technology manufacturing formerly performed in the United States is now being done overseas, the Office of Science and Technology Policy asked the Rand Corporation to provide analytic support to the President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology. The support included a description of past and current trends of U.S. high-tech manufacturing, a theoretical and empirical economic analysis of traditional and high-tech manufacturing, and an analysis of U.S. research and development statistics and of trends in choices of academic disciplines.

Documents the history of U.S. security management with China from 1971 to the present, examines the arguments for and against conducting activities with the People's Liberation Army, and recommends a program of military-to-military activities based on existing constraints and realistic goals. Restrictions on military-to-military relations with China imposed in 2001 stirred a debate on the value of those activities and their place in the overall U.S.-China relationship. This report finds that there is value in security cooperation, despite its problems. The relationship with China should concentrate on security management rather than on security cooperation. A three-part program of dialogue, information gathering, and limited cooperation can have mutual benefit in minimizing misperceptions and the chances of conflict.

Describes Taiwan's foreign and defense policies and influences on them; assesses their implications for U.S. policy. Taiwan's foreign and defense policies have evolved greatly since the days of Chiang Kai-Shek. Its leaders have created a government based on popular sovereignty rather than Chinese nationalism; adopted pragmatic and creative approaches to expanding its international presence, and sought to make itself safe from attack or coercion by Mainland China through acquiring modern weapons, building a more efficient military, and developing closer military and political ties with the United States. China, in turn, has adopted a complex strategy of pressures and enticements to arrest Taiwan's moves toward greater independence. The United States and Japan also wield substantial influence over Taiwan's foreign and defense policies, but U.S. influence is clearly the dominant influence on Taiwan's decisions about theater ballistic missile defenses(-providing information and advice that will strongly shape the course of Taiwan's planning, procurement, and deployment. The authors conclude that the United States should continue to maintain a public allegiance to the "One China" concep