Matteo Millan

On October 1922 Mussolini became head of the Italian government, a situation that would last for twenty years. That power was obtained was largely due to the widespread violence perpetrated by blackshirts throughout Italy (squadristi). Violence however did not end. Old and new blackshirts played a major role in making Italy a fascist country. Contrary to the claims of many scholars that have depicted blackshirts after the March on Rome only as troublemakers for Mussolini, the book shows that they played a crucial role in establishing a full and totalitarian dictatorship. Squadristi carried out processes of fascistisation, crushed opponents and convinced bystanders and dubious people, consolidating fascist power in many aspects of social, political and even intimate life. By resorting to new archives, a long chronology and a focus on individual perspectives, this book gives voice to the perpetrators of fascist violence and offers new insights into the lives of squadristi throughout the dictatorship, outlining their beliefs, outlooks and expectations. The book shows that post-1922 squadrismo was not a side effect of Fascism's twenty-year history. On the contrary, violence represents one of the essential components of any definition of Italian Fascism.

On October 1922 Mussolini became head of the Italian government, a situation that would last for twenty years. That power was obtained was largely due to the widespread violence perpetrated by blackshirts throughout Italy (squadristi). Violence however did not end. Old and new blackshirts played a major role in making Italy a fascist country. Contrary to the claims of many scholars that have depicted blackshirts after the March on Rome only as troublemakers for Mussolini, the book shows that they played a crucial role in establishing a full and totalitarian dictatorship. Squadristi carried out processes of fascistisation, crushed opponents and convinced bystanders and dubious people, consolidating fascist power in many aspects of social, political and even intimate life. By resorting to new archives, a long chronology and a focus on individual perspectives, this book gives voice to the perpetrators of fascist violence and offers new insights into the lives of squadristi throughout the dictatorship, outlining their beliefs, outlooks and expectations. The book shows that post-1922 squadrismo was not a side effect of Fascism's twenty-year history. On the contrary, violence represents one of the essential components of any definition of Italian Fascism.

Roma, 1 novembre 1922. Sono passate solo poche ore dalla marcia su Roma, e il neo-presidente del Consiglio Benito Mussolini promette l'immediata smobilitazione di tutte le squadre in nome del ripristino piu rigoroso dell'ordine pubblico. In realta, la conquista del potere non segna affatto la fine dello squadrismo ne della violenza. Sia che vengano arruolati nelle unita della nuova Milizia Volontaria oppure che agiscano sotto le spoglie dei circoli rionali o dei gruppi sportivi, gli squadristi continuano a giocare un ruolo decisivo nella scena politica italiana. E quando il regime, anche per merito delle sue camicie nere, sara abbastanza forte da imporre una dittatura a viso aperto, squadrismo e violenza non verranno mai meno. Attraverso il ricorso a nuove fonti, questo libro propone una visione innovativa del ruolo dalla violenza squadrista negli anni centrali della dittatura mussoliniana. Le vicissitudini dei protagonisti dello squadrismo sono indagate a tutto tondo: dalle camicie nere condannate al confino di polizia, al pari dei tanto odiati antifascisti, a coloro che sulla pratica della violenza e sul mito dello squadrismo hanno scommesso tutta la loro vita. Ne emerge un quadro complesso e articolato, nel quale lo squadrismo non puo di certo essere ritenuto un "residuo anacronistico" ne un "effetto collaterale" del percorso ventennale del regime, ma rappresenta piuttosto un elemento imprescindibile nella definizione del fascismo. >