Perry Anderson

Soon, Cities of Power: The Urban, the National, the Popular, and the Global by Göran Therborn will be on the market. In between Science, Class and Society (1976) and The Killing Fields of Inequality (2013, Swedish translation: Ojämlikhet dödar, 2016) Göran has consistently challenged received wisdom in politics and the social sciences. His Between Sex and Power (2004) is the current global map of family relations and gender equality. With the 1968 article "From Petrograd to Saigon" he laid the foundation for his worldwide reputation as an innovative public intellectual. His critique of the Frankfurt School had repercussions around Europe. Today his work is spread across six continents, Latin America in particular, and has been translated into more than twenty languages.This book is a critical appraisal of the themes Göran Therborn has pursued up till now, and is introduced by Robin Blackburn, for almost twenty years his editor at New Left Review."Göran's continual alertness to different paths to or through modernity, and to varieties of capitalism, will very soon be tested in a dramatic way." - Ian Gough, London School of Economics"This is a very important project and Göran richly deserves it." - Michael Burawoy, UC BerkeleyCONTENTS: INTRODUCTIONS Robin Blackburn, Göran Therborn and the Old Mole Sven Hort & Gunnar Olofsson, A Portrait of the Sociologist as a Young Rebel SECTION I. Class, Politics and Revolutions Anders Stephanson, On Geopolitics in Therbornism, Early and Late Risto Alapuro, Finnish Demonstrations as Confrontations Per H. Jensen, Origins of Danish Flexicurity Robin Blackburn, From Miliband to Corbyn Aliaksei Lastouski, Nikolay Zakharov & Sven Hort, Belarus - Another "Iceberg Society"? Elisabeth Özdalga, Islam-Oriented Trajectories and Turkey's Fluctuating Encounters with European Modernity Åsa Cristina Laurell, Structural Adjustment, Social Exclusion and Violence Lena Lavinas, The Untold Battlefields Against Inequality in Latin America Chang Kyung-sup, Post-Socialist Class Politics with Chinese Characteristics SECTION II. Sex, Gender and Power Anita Göransson & Karin Widerberg, Göran between Sex and Power Eric Hobsbawm, Retreat of the Male Perry Anderson, Atlas of the Family SECTION III. Global Modernities Immanuel Wallerstein, Empire: Dangerous Slippage of a Concept Habibul Haque Khondker, Entangled Globality Gabriella Elgenius, The Principles and Products of the Identity Market Zhanna Kravchenko, Lisa Kings & Sven Hort, Power Ideology and Transformations of Space Bo Rothstein, Manufacturing Social Solidarity Erik Olin Wright, The Capitalist State and the Possibility of SocialismSamtidigt med denna engelska vänbok till Göran Therborn publiceras en svensk pendang i form av en "festskriftsavdelning" i Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys nr 6. Numret finns fritt tillgängligt, gratis att läsa och ladda ned, på www.tidskriftenarkiv.se. Det kan också beställas som tryckt utgåva i de vanliga bokhandelskanalerna och direkt från förlaget.

In Disputing Disaster, Perry Anderson picks out from the highly charged historiography on the First World War one leading historian from each of the major powers that survived the conflagration: Fritz Fischer, famous historian of German war guilt; Pierre Renouvin, a disabled serviceman and preeminent authority on the conflict in France; Luigi Albertini, the Italian newspaper tycoon who, unique among scholars of the Great War, played a part in pitching his country into it; Paul W. Schroeder, the American expert on the system of European interstate relations and its breakdown in 1914; Keith Wilson, the one radical deviant from a patriotic consensus about Britain's role in the outbreak of the fighting; and, from Australia (summoned into the war as a dominion), Christopher Clark, acclaimed author of The Sleepwalkers. Disputing Disaster offers a compelling analysis of the major competing versions of the genesis of the Great War; fresh light on the political background of its leading historians; and a novel synthesis of the determining pressures that brought the conflict to pass.

In Disputing Disaster, Perry Anderson picks out from the highly charged historiography on the First World War one leading historian from each of the major powers that survived the conflagration: Fritz Fischer, famous historian of German war guilt; Pierre Renouvin, a disabled serviceman and preeminent authority on the conflict in France; Luigi Albertini, the Italian newspaper tycoon who, unique among scholars of the Great War, played a part in pitching his country into it; Paul W. Schroeder, the American expert on the system of Europe - an interstate relations and its breakdown in 1914; Keith Wilson, the one radical deviant from a patriotic consensus about Britain's role in the outbreak of the fighting; and, from Australia (summoned into the war as a dominion), Christopher Clark, acclaimed author of The Sleepwalkers.Disputing Disaster offers a compelling analysis of the major competing versions of the genesis of the Great War; fresh light on the political background of its leading historians; and a novel synthesis of the determining pressures that brought the conflict to pass.Perry Anderson is emeritus in History at UCLA, and an editor at New Left Review. Recent work: Different Speeds, Same Furies, a comparative study of Anthony Powell and Marcel Proust.

Few terms are so widely used in the literature of international relations and political science, with so little agreement about their exact meaning, as hegemony.In the first full historical study of its fortunes as a concept, Perry Anderson traces its emergence in Ancient Greece and its rediscovery during the upheavals of 1848-1849 in Germany. He then follows its checkered career in revolutionary Russia, fascist Italy, Cold War America, Gaullist France, Thatcher's Britain, post-colonial India, feudal Japan, Maoist China, eventually arriving at twenty-first-century US geopolitics and Germany's place within an expanded European Union. The result is a surprising and fascinating expedition into global intellectual history.

There are few writers about whom opinions diverge so widely as Anthony Powell, whose Dance to the Music of Time sequence is one of the most ambitious literary constructions in the English language. In Different Speeds, Same Furies, Perry Anderson measures Powell's achievement against Marcel Proust's celebrated In Search of Lost Time.The literature on Dance is a drop in the ocean compared to that on Proust. Yet in construction of plot and depiction of character, Anderson ranks Powell above him. How much do particular advantages of this kind matter, and why is Powell an odd man out in English letters? At once so similar and dissimilar, the intricate retrospectives of the two novelists on bohemia and Society, upbringing and mortality, relationships and personality, invite interrelated judgements. The closing chapters of Different Speeds, Same Furies reach beyond their handlings of time to chart the historical novel from Waverley to Underworld, and the breakthrough in epistolatory fiction of Montesquieu's Persian Letters, held together by what its author described as 'a secret chain which remains, as it were, invisible'.

The European Union is a political order of peculiar stamp and continental scope, its polity of 446 million the third largest on the planet, though with famously little purchase on the conduct of its representatives. Sixty years after the founding treaty, what sort of structure has crystallised, and does the promise of ever closer union still obtain?Against the self-image of the bloc, Perry Anderson poses the historical record of its assembly. He traces the wider arc of European history, from First World War to Eurozone crisis, the hegemony of Versailles to that of Maastricht, and casts the work of the EU's leading contemporary analysts - both independent critics and court philosophers - in older traditions of political thought. Are there likenesses to the age of Metternich, lessons in statecraft from that of Machiavelli? An excursus on the UK's jarring departure from the Union considers the responses it has met with inside the country's intelligentsia, from the contrite to the incandescent. How do Brussels and Westminster compare as constitutional forms? Differently put, which could be said to be worse?

The historiography of modern India is largely a pageant of presumed virtues: harmonious territorial unity, religious impartiality, the miraculous survival of electoral norms in the world's most populous democracy. Even critics of injustices within Indian society still underwrite such claims. But how well does the 'Idea of India' correspond to the realities of the Union?In an iconoclastic intervention, Marxist historian Perry Anderson provides an unforgettable reading of the Subcontinent's passage through Independence and the catastrophe of Partition, the idiosyncratic and corrosive vanities of Gandhi and Nehru, and the close interrelationship of Indian democracy and caste inequality. The Indian Ideology caused uproar on first publication in 2012, not least for breaking with euphemisms for Delhi's occupation of Kashmir. This new, expanded edition includes the author's reply to his critics, an interview with the late Praful Bidwai of the Indian weekly Outlook, and a postscript on India under the rule of Narendra Modi. Anderson considers whether his regime is as much of a break with the practices and thought processes of Congress rule as is generally supposed.

An explosive analysis of the central strategic concepts in Gramsci's thought, as revelatory today as on first publication in New Left Review in 1976. This landmark essay has been the subject of keen debate across four decades for its disentangling of the hesitations and contradictions in Gramsci's highly original usage of such key dichotomies as East and West, domination and direction, hegemony and dictatorship, state and civil society, war of position and war of movement. In a critical tribute to the international richness of Gramsci's work, Anderson shows how deeply embedded these notions were in the revolutionary debates in Tsarist Russia and Wilhemine Germany, in which arguments criss-crossed between Plekhanov, Lenin, Kautsky, Luxemburg, Lukács and Trotsky, with contemporary echoes in Brecht and Benjamin. A preface considers the objections this account of Gramsci provoked, as well as a memorable intervention by the late Eric Hobsbawm.

What does Brazil's lurch to the hard right under Jair Bolsonaro portend for Latin America's most populous society, and how has it come about? Perry Anderson, foremost observer of the Brazilian scene in the English-speaking world, offers a matchless account of the country's recent political upheavals: after the dashed hopes of the Cardoso years, the soaring popularity of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva; the parliamentary coup d'état against his successor, Dilma; and the sweeping election victory of Bolsonaro, backed by the Armed Forces and a youthful new right. Always something of a world unto itself, under the Workers' Party, Brazil had bucked the global trend towards a tighter neoliberalism. With its lodestar, Lula, now behind bars, a weighing up of the PT's legacy, and of the contrasting Bolsonaro regime, is urgently needed.

Everywhere you look, businesses are closing their doors - both recent startups and long-standing establishments. No matter which statistics you read, it seems that the odds are against success for small-to-medium- sized businesses. Is closing the doors inevitable once the balance sheet reads red so many months in a row? Perry M. Anderson replies with a resounding No This book offers hope and help to distressed business owners and managers in need of an immediate turn-around solution. Perry understands that it is not "just a business." Instead, it is the livelihoods that real families depend on. Appreciative of the urgency with which complex and high-impact decisions must be made, he delineates those tasks that must be done now in order to stave off the creditors, and the steps to undertake next in bringing the company back from the brink. In compassionate yet no-nonsense terms, Mr. Anderson shines a light through the shadow of bankruptcy onto the landscape of business turnaround.

Few terms are so widely used in the literature of international relations and political science, with so little agreement about their exact meaning, as hegemony. In the first full historical study of its fortunes as a concept, Perry Anderson traces its emergence in Ancient Greece and its rediscovery during the upheavals of 1848-1849 in Germany. He then follows its checkered career in revolutionary Russia, fascist Italy, Cold War America, Gaullist France, Thatcher's Britain, post-colonial India, feudal Japan, Maoist China, eventually arriving at the world of Merkel and May, Bush and Obama. The result is a surprising and fascinating expedition into global intellectual history, ending with reflections on the contemporary political landscape.

Since the birth of the nation, impulses of empire have been close to the heart of the United States. How these urges interact with the way the country understands itself, and the nature of the divergent interests at work in the unfolding of American foreign policy, is a subject much debated and still obscure. In a fresh look at the topic, Anderson charts the intertwined historical development of America's imperial reach and its role as the general guarantor of capital.The internal tensions that have arisen are traced from the closing stages of the Second World War through the Cold War to the War on Terror. Despite the defeat and elimination of the USSR, the planetary structures for warfare and surveillance have not been retracted but extended. Anderson ends with a survey of the repertoire of US grand strategy, as its leading thinkers-Brzezinski, Mead, Kagan, Fukuyama, Mandelbaum, Ikenberry, Art and others-grapple with the tasks and predicaments of the American imperium today.

Today, the Indian state claims to possess a harmonious territorial unity, to embody the values of a stable political democracy, and to adhere to a steadfast religious impartiality. Even many of those critical of the inequalities of Indian society still underwrite such claims. But does the "idea of India" correspond to the realities of the Union?The Indian Ideology suggests that the roots of the republic's current ills go very deep, historically. They lie in the way the struggle for independence culminated in the transfer of power from British rule to Congress in a divided subcontinent, not least in the roles played by Gandhi, as the great architect of the movement, and Nehru, as his appointed successor, in the catastrophe of partition. Only an honest reckoning with that disaster, Perry Anderson argues, offers an understanding of what was has gone wrong since independence.Revisiting a century's history, and sifting the uncomfortable realities from the ideology, Anderson offers an alternative way to look at the story of the nation, and the nature of a state that is less in conflict with caste than built upon it.

Forty years after its original publication, Lineages of the Absolutist State remains an exemplary achievement in comparative history. Picking up from where its companion volume, Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism, left off, Lineages traces the development of Absolutist states in the early modern period from their roots in European feudalism, and assesses their various trajectories. Why didn't Italy develop into an Absolutist state in the same, indigenous way as the other dominant Western countries, namely Spain, France and England? On the other hand, how did Eastern European countries develop into Absolutist states similar to those of the West, when their social conditions diverged so drastically? Reflecting on examples in Islamic and East Asian history, as well as the Ottoman Empire, Anderson concludes by elucidating the particular role of European development within universal history.

Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism is a sustained exercise in historical sociology that shows how the slave-based societies of Ancient Greece and Rome eventually became the feudal societies of the Middle Ages. In the course of this study, Anderson vindicates and refines the explanatory power of historical materialism, while casting a fascinating light on the Ancient world, the Germanic invasions, nomadic society, and the different routes taken to feudalism in Northern, Mediterranean, Eastern and Western Europe.Through this work and its companion volume, Lineages of the Absolutist State, Anderson presents a Marxist history of Western political development that takes readers from the first stirrings of political consciousness in the classical world to the rise of absolutist monarchies in Europe and the birth of the modern epoch.

The New Old World looks at the history of the European Union, the core continental countries within it, and the issue of its further expansion into Asia. It opens with a consideration of the origins and outcomes of European integration since the Second World War, and how today's EU has been theorized across a range of contemporary disciplines. It then moves to more detailed accounts of political and cultural developments in the three principal states of the original Common Market-France, Germany and Italy. A third section explores the interrelated histories of Cyprus and Turkey that pose a leading geopolitical challenge to the Community. The book ends by tracing ideas of European unity from the Enlightenment to the present, and their bearing on the future of the Union. The New Old World offers a critical portrait of a continent now increasingly hailed as a moral and political example to the world at large.

The focus of Spectrum is the range of contemporary ideas that runs from conservative to liberal to radical conceptions of state and society, rarely considered in the same optic. It looks at the theories of major minds of the twentieth-century Right, including Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss and Friedrich von Hayek; liberal philosophers such as John Rawls, Jurgen Habermas and Norberto Bobbio; and significant figures in the culture of the Left: the historians Edward Thompson, Robert Brenner and Eric Hobsbawm; the classicist Sebastiano Timpanaro; the sociologist Goran Therborn; the novelist Gabriel Garcia Marquez. The book concludes with some comparative observations on the two leading intellectual periodicals of the UK and USA, the London Review of Books and New York Review of Books; and a piece of family history.

Jean-Paul Sartre was undoubtedly one of the greatest and most popular philosophers of the 20th Century. Also a prominent novelist, playwright and biographer, Sartre was, above all, the embodiment of the engaged intellectual, active in a variety of political causes, as well as an individual who attempted to live his life in accordance with the philosophy he professed. It was this that gave his lifelong preoccupation with freedom, choice and what he came to refer to as social conditioning, its cutting edge. Sartre's life was in many ways an illustration of his brand of existentialism in action. In these two interviews, the Marxist historian and scholar Perry Anderson takes Sartre on a wide-ranging tour of his philosophy and politics. The skilful and part chronological interrogation of various fundamental Satrean concepts, and the detailed and complex elucidations of them by the philosopher, make these interviews a must for anyone interested in Sartre's philosophical, political and ethical development. The wide range of topics discussed also includes 'freedom of choice', his uneasy relationship with Freudian concepts, his debates with Marx, and his acute observations on drama, the Cultural Revolution, Stalinism, the May 'Events' and of course, the US war on Vietnam. Their breadth remains a testimony to one man's attempt to make philosophical sense of the tumultuous world around him.

Övergångar från antiken till feodalismen har sedan sin publicering 1974 etablerats som det internationella standardarbetet om det förkapitalistiska Europas historia. Bokens centrala tema är Europas utveckling från antiken till medeltiden. Slavarbetet, antikens speciella produktionssätt, tilldelas en avgörande betydelse. Anderson jämför den sociala och politiska utvecklingen i de grekiska, hellenistiska och romerska samhällena. Romarrikets fall studeras mot bakgrund av dess regionala splittring och de germanska stamsamhällenas framväxt. Den västeuropeiska feodalism som växte fram under tidig medeltid var ett helt nytt produktionssätt. Dess förmåga till tillväxt var anmärkningsvärd, men den bar också på fröna till sin slutliga kris. Perry Anderson analyserar dessutom den totalt annorlunda utvecklingen i Östeuropa, där effekterna av de asiatiska nomadinvasionerna spelade en avgörande roll. Balkan behandlas som en särskild östeuropeisk region, präglad av det kvarlevande Bysans, vars undergång markerar övergången till den nya tiden i Europa. Detta arbete följdes av en andra del 1974, svensk utgåva Den absoluta statens utveckling, utgiven på A-Z förlag.

Postmodernitetens ursprung är en lika bitande skarp som perspektivrik redogörelse för hur begreppet postmodernitet uppkommer, sprids och förändras. Boken tar sin början i 1930-talets spanskspråkiga värld och följer begreppets omvandlingar fram till det sena 1970-talet då det genom Jean-François Lyotards och Jürgen Habermas texter kom i allmänt bruk. I centrum av boken står Fredric Jameson, som formulerat den mest övergripande teorin om det postmoderna. Perry Anderson tecknar den intellektuella och politiska bakgrunden till Jamesons analys och skildrar de debatter denna orsakat under 1990-talet. Postmodernismen beskrivs bäst, menar Anderson, som den globala kapitalismens kulturella logik. Han reflekterar avslutningsvis över modernismens utmattning, debatterna kring konstens död och politikens plats i en postmodern värld. Perry Anderson är historiker vid University of California, Los Angeles, och redaktör för tidskriften New Left Review. Hans böcker och artiklar har översatts till tjugo språk.